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Campus "Unrest" demonstrations and consequences, 1970-1971

1971-11-12 American Report: Review of Religion and American Power Page 2

AMERICAN REPORT, November 12, 1971

The Manila Constitutional Convention
Bowed By The Babel of Rhetoric

by Leon Howell

MANILA (DNSI) - Some observers called the Constitutional convention of the Philippines the "last best hope" for reform in a nation that badly needs major political social, and economic change. 
More than four months after its June 1 birth, Con-Con as it is widely called seems hopelessly bogged down. "Let us look at the 'record' of the Convention thus far," wrote widely read Manila Times columnist Maximo V. Solven "Accomplishments? A big fat zero" 
To be sure, Con-Con represented the hopes of moderate reformers more than it did those calling for a more fundamental change. A young lawyer, Bong Malonzo said: "It is really the last gasp of the moderates. But it is not clear what they ever hoped to produce. So what if a good constitution is written? India has a great constitution, with radical land reform in it, but crucial sections have never been implemented."
A young man living in the cramped Manila squatter district of Tondo suggested: "They're just wasting money up there at the Manila Hotel. They can't change anything."
Rewriting constitutions that were in large part handed down from colonial regimes is not unique to the Philippines. The American imposed Philippines Constitution of 1935 has inadequacies that are clear to Filipinos from all parts of the political spectrum not least the heavy advantages given Americans. 
In an address if the opening session of the Convention President Ferdinand Marcos caught that spirit: "This is the high moment of our history; the great desire of our forebears their own vision and one dream freedom. We have come at last to the fulfillment at this dream. 
For the greatest act of freedom is the writing of a Constitution. .. For whereas the earlier constitution was cast in a old largely shaped by the counsel and in many respects at the initiative of an alien power and approved by that alien power (U.S.A.) the Constitution you are now asked to write must be, and i hope will be, a Philippine Constitution."
But removing what are seen as colonial shackles was only one goal of Con-Con. Voltaire Garcia II, one of the few young delegates with a  base in the radial community, pointed to the domestic issue:" We convened a forum that is regarded by many as the last hope for peaceful change. Indeed, the idea of holding a  Constitutional Convention at this stage of our history seems to have been brought about by the deepening social crisis that now confronts us. The traditional institutions that our people used to look up to for change - such as Congress, Malacanang (the President's office), and the Courts - no longer seem to enjoy the confidence that befits a truly popular government."
But Garcia went on to express doubt that radical changes will be adopted by Con-Con and if we are, whether they will become the basis of life and order in the Philippinees. 
Dr. Augusto Caesar Espiritu, a delegate from the Rizal suburb of Manila, is one of a small number of independents at work in the convention. Espiritu is on a leave of absence as a professor of law at the University of the Philippines; he is also a veteran of international conferences and a business representative. 
In an interview Espiritu said that many people had "hoped they were seeing a new breed of man out to alter forever traditional politics in this country. The delegates were aware that the constitutional convention was to perform a dual role: framing a new constitution and creating a new image of political responsibility in public life. But their high hopes have been dashed on the jagged rocks of hard realities."
Espiritu thinks that the influence of politics has a greater hold on the convention than had been anticipated. While Marcos may control only 75 people directly, large amounts of money flow during key votes. Delegates are not "really as independent and innovating as had been hoped."
He was referring to the bitter struggle for leadership in the convention "done in the manner of traditional politics... the delegates and the officers they elected turned out to be creatures of traditional politics in a society where political office is more identified with personal glories than a passion to change the social system."
But Espiritu points to an "even more pervasive problem, the influence of conservatism. The proceedings of the convention clearly indicate the subconscious conviction of the delegates that once we begin to question the beliefs that we have inherited, all the values of life will be destroyed. We have, as human beings, a tendency to cling to what we know... It is, therefore, not surprising that many delegates have filed resolutions seeking not to allow any change in the democratic system we know, not to throw overboard the form of government we know, not to discard the presidential system we know. 
"In being predisposed to choose an institution mainly because one is familiar with it, the delegates, in a sense, negate the natural urge of the human spirit for enlarging the horizons and dimensions of human experience. 

Caesar Espiritu left in discussion with Indonesian delegates at consultation on Asian development. 

"The conservatism of the convention is evident in the legalistic approaches to social problems. Thus, even as we face the problems of social revolution, we have a tendency to find quick and easy answers in legal maxims and institutions. We want a responsive and progressive Constitution for a modernizing republic, yet we are loath to depart from the present document simply because we have memorized it by heart."
Defenders of the process say that what the papers write about primarily takes place in the plenaries that have been to say the least, unimpressive. They point to the work of many committees as the key achievement of Con-Con. This reporter visited the land reform committee and found that it was digging into the problem of control of vast tracts of land by a few families. The committee will almost surely recommend that land belong to the state so that the tiller could have a direct lease on the land. But it is unlikely that any radical land reform bill will pass the plenary of Con-Con. And even if it did, it is unlikely to become law in this generation. 
Espirity complains of the cumbersome size of the convention and the proliferation of committees - 51 at last count - which means delegates spread themselves too thin. 
Espirity among others, is deeply discouraged but not yet without hope. " The delegates may yet work out their liberation. And the people may yet decided to enter the picture in a dramatic way, to influence the delegates to undertake with greater determination the job on instituting radical and sweeping changes in the social order. 
Otherwise, the Convention, conceived to loosen the fetters of injustice in our land, shall yet be doomed to an innocuous existence, bowed by the weight of its babel of rhetoric and lost in its own meaninglessness."
The convention. that had been caught up in an endless debate about the issue of which language to write the constitution in, was jerked into action in late September when it was invaded by a number of young people demanding action on the 18 year old vote clause. Con-Con voted to write that into the Constitution. 
The convention, which may run for another year, has in a little more than four months convinced most people that it will make little difference in life in the Philippines. 

When Is A Veteran Not A Veteran?

Eighty three Viet Nam veterans and supporters were arrested in Denver as they attempted peacefully to join the Veterans Day parade on Oct 23, sponsored by the United Veterans Council (U.V.C) a coalition of veterans organizations for past wars. 
Members of the Viet Nam Veterans Against War (V.V.A.W( attempted to gain 

Viet Nam veterans being arrested in Denver for attempting to join the Veterans Day parade. 

permission from the U.V.C to march in the parade. After their request was denied, they tried to get a parade permit from the city, but were refused on the grounds that it was a private parade and the U.V.C could grant or deny permission to groups. The veterans charged that the city of Denver donated $600 to the U.V.C for parade expenses, and with this contribution from public funds, all citizens should be allowed to march. Mayor Bill McNichols of Denver stated in a press conference, "The main thing to me would be to keep the peace we're trying to avoid trouble." He compared the Veterans Day parade" to Law Enforcement Day. if there are law enforcement officials [marching] you can't mix in a bunch of convicts."
Saturday morning, the Viet Nam Veterans, carrying American flags and a banner identifying their group, waited until the last unit of the parade departed and began to march in the rear of the parade. Police separated them from the parade and told them they must march on the sidewalk or be subject to arrest. About half the veterans dispersed, but 83 were arrested as they stood with their hands folded behind their heads. 
Although the charges brought against them were two traffic offenses, "pedestrians walking along a roadway" and "failure to obey the lawful order of a police officer," the veterans were photographed, fingerprinted, and taken to jail. They were released later that day, some on personal recognizance and others on bail. 
Gary Mundt of Denver V.V.A.W said the major difference in intentions of the veterans groups was that the U.V.C. "wanted to glorify war and militarism"" in the parade while "we wanted to mourn the victims of the disease of militarism. 
'Veterans' units participating in the parade were: Grand Army of the Republic, United Spanish War Veterans, Veterans of Foreign Wars, American Legion, Disabled American Veterans, Jewish War Veterans of the United States, Veterans of World War I, Canadian Legion and the Military Order of the Purple Heart. High school R.O.T.C. units the Marine corps Reserve. "Toys for Tots" truck, and a miniplane provided by the Navy joined the usual collection of bands. 
Ten members of the V.V.A.W. received a standing ovation when introduced at Sunday morning services of the First Unitarian Church in Denver. The minister of the church and his wife were among those arrested Saturday. V.V.A.W. member Corey Johnson told the congregation of about 200 that his group has a "legal right and a moral obligation" to join the parade. 
Twenty five citizens and organizations sent an open letter to Mayor Nichols, accusing him of responsibility in the arrest of the veterans. The letter charged that those arrested should have been given "the honored place at the head of the parade" and suggested that these men and women were calling "this country, our veterans, and armed forces back to the high ideals of self determination and freedom that founded this country." McNichols was invited to join a peace march planned for last Nov. 6 if he agrees with the veterans that "not one more life should be lost in Viet Nam."
Veterans of the Viet Nam war were also arrested in Killeen, Texas; New Orleans; and San Francisco as they tried to march in Veterans Day parades.

Saving...

AMERICAN REPORT, November 12, 1971 The Manila Constitutional Convention Bowed By The Babel of Rhetoric by Leon Howell MANILA (DNSI) - Some observers called the Constitutional convention of the Philippines the "last best hope" for reform in a nation that badly needs major political social, and economic change. More than four months after its June 1 birth, Con-Con as it is widely called seems hopelessly bogged down. "Let us look at the 'record' of the Convention thus far," wrote widely read Manila Times columnist Maximo V. Solven "Accomplishments? A big fat zero" To be sure, Con-Con represented the hopes of moderate reformers more than it did those calling for a more fundamental change. A young lawyer, Bong Malonzo said: "It is really the last gasp of the moderates. But it is not clear what they ever hoped to produce. So what if a good constitution is written? India has a great constitution, with radical land reform in it, but crucial sections have never been implemented." A young man living in the cramped Manila squatter district of Tondo suggested: "They're just wasting money up there at the Manila Hotel. They can't change anything." Rewriting constitutions that were in large part handed down from colonial regimes is not unique to the Philippines. The American imposed Philippines Constitution of 1935 has inadequacies that are clear to Filipinos from all parts of the political spectrum not least the heavy advantages given Americans. In an address if the opening session of the Convention President Ferdinand Marcos caught that spirit: "This is the high moment of our history; the great desire of our forebears their own vision and one dream freedom. We have come at last to the fulfillment at this dream. For the greatest act of freedom is the writing of a Constitution. .. For whereas the earlier constitution was cast in a old largely shaped by the counsel and in many respects at the initiative of an alien power and approved by that alien power (U.S.A.) the Constitution you are now asked to write must be, and i hope will be, a Philippine Constitution." But removing what are seen as colonial shackles was only one goal of Con-Con. Voltaire Garcia II, one of the few young delegates with a base in the radial community, pointed to the domestic issue:" We convened a forum that is regarded by many as the last hope for peaceful change. Indeed, the idea of holding a Constitutional Convention at this stage of our history seems to have been brought about by the deepening social crisis that now confronts us. The traditional institutions that our people used to look up to for change - such as Congress, Malacanang (the President's office), and the Courts - no longer seem to enjoy the confidence that befits a truly popular government." But Garcia went on to express doubt that radical changes will be adopted by Con-Con and if we are, whether they will become the basis of life and order in the Philippinees. Dr. Augusto Caesar Espiritu, a delegate from the Rizal suburb of Manila, is one of a small number of independents at work in the convention. Espiritu is on a leave of absence as a professor of law at the University of the Philippines; he is also a veteran of international conferences and a business representative. In an interview Espiritu said that many people had "hoped they were seeing a new breed of man out to alter forever traditional politics in this country. The delegates were aware that the constitutional convention was to perform a dual role: framing a new constitution and creating a new image of political responsibility in public life. But their high hopes have been dashed on the jagged rocks of hard realities." Espiritu thinks that the influence of politics has a greater hold on the convention than had been anticipated. While Marcos may control only 75 people directly, large amounts of money flow during key votes. Delegates are not "really as independent and innovating as had been hoped." He was referring to the bitter struggle for leadership in the convention "done in the manner of traditional politics... the delegates and the officers they elected turned out to be creatures of traditional politics in a society where political office is more identified with personal glories than a passion to change the social system." But Espiritu points to an "even more pervasive problem, the influence of conservatism. The proceedings of the convention clearly indicate the subconscious conviction of the delegates that once we begin to question the beliefs that we have inherited, all the values of life will be destroyed. We have, as human beings, a tendency to cling to what we know... It is, therefore, not surprising that many delegates have filed resolutions seeking not to allow any change in the democratic system we know, not to throw overboard the form of government we know, not to discard the presidential system we know. "In being predisposed to choose an institution mainly because one is familiar with it, the delegates, in a sense, negate the natural urge of the human spirit for enlarging the horizons and dimensions of human experience. Caesar Espiritu left in discussion with Indonesian delegates at consultation on Asian development. "The conservatism of the convention is evident in the legalistic approaches to social problems. Thus, even as we face the problems of social revolution, we have a tendency to find quick and easy answers in legal maxims and institutions. We want a responsive and progressive Constitution for a modernizing republic, yet we are loath to depart from the present document simply because we have memorized it by heart." Defenders of the process say that what the papers write about primarily takes place in the plenaries that have been to say the least, unimpressive. They point to the work of many committees as the key achievement of Con-Con. This reporter visited the land reform committee and found that it was digging into the problem of control of vast tracts of land by a few families. The committee will almost surely recommend that land belong to the state so that the tiller could have a direct lease on the land. But it is unlikely that any radical land reform bill will pass the plenary of Con-Con. And even if it did, it is unlikely to become law in this generation. Espirity complains of the cumbersome size of the convention and the proliferation of committees - 51 at last count - which means delegates spread themselves too thin. Espirity among others, is deeply discouraged but not yet without hope. " The delegates may yet work out their liberation. And the people may yet decided to enter the picture in a dramatic way, to influence the delegates to undertake with greater determination the job on instituting radical and sweeping changes in the social order. Otherwise, the Convention, conceived to loosen the fetters of injustice in our land, shall yet be doomed to an innocuous existence, bowed by the weight of its babel of rhetoric and lost in its own meaninglessness." The convention. that had been caught up in an endless debate about the issue of which language to write the constitution in, was jerked into action in late September when it was invaded by a number of young people demanding action on the 18 year old vote clause. Con-Con voted to write that into the Constitution. The convention, which may run for another year, has in a little more than four months convinced most people that it will make little difference in life in the Philippines. When Is A Veteran Not A Veteran? Eighty three Viet Nam veterans and supporters were arrested in Denver as they attempted peacefully to join the Veterans Day parade on Oct 23, sponsored by the United Veterans Council (U.V.C) a coalition of veterans organizations for past wars. Members of the Viet Nam Veterans Against War (V.V.A.W( attempted to gain Viet Nam veterans being arrested in Denver for attempting to join the Veterans Day parade. permission from the U.V.C to march in the parade. After their request was denied, they tried to get a parade permit from the city, but were refused on the grounds that it was a private parade and the U.V.C could grant or deny permission to groups. The veterans charged that the city of Denver donated $600 to the U.V.C for parade expenses, and with this contribution from public funds, all citizens should be allowed to march. Mayor Bill McNichols of Denver stated in a press conference, "The main thing to me would be to keep the peace we're trying to avoid trouble." He compared the Veterans Day parade" to Law Enforcement Day. if there are law enforcement officials [marching] you can't mix in a bunch of convicts." Saturday morning, the Viet Nam Veterans, carrying American flags and a banner identifying their group, waited until the last unit of the parade departed and began to march in the rear of the parade. Police separated them from the parade and told them they must march on the sidewalk or be subject to arrest. About half the veterans dispersed, but 83 were arrested as they stood with their hands folded behind their heads. Although the charges brought against them were two traffic offenses, "pedestrians walking along a roadway" and "failure to obey the lawful order of a police officer," the veterans were photographed, fingerprinted, and taken to jail. They were released later that day, some on personal recognizance and others on bail. Gary Mundt of Denver V.V.A.W said the major difference in intentions of the veterans groups was that the U.V.C. "wanted to glorify war and militarism"" in the parade while "we wanted to mourn the victims of the disease of militarism. 'Veterans' units participating in the parade were: Grand Army of the Republic, United Spanish War Veterans, Veterans of Foreign Wars, American Legion, Disabled American Veterans, Jewish War Veterans of the United States, Veterans of World War I, Canadian Legion and the Military Order of the Purple Heart. High school R.O.T.C. units the Marine corps Reserve. "Toys for Tots" truck, and a miniplane provided by the Navy joined the usual collection of bands. Ten members of the V.V.A.W. received a standing ovation when introduced at Sunday morning services of the First Unitarian Church in Denver. The minister of the church and his wife were among those arrested Saturday. V.V.A.W. member Corey Johnson told the congregation of about 200 that his group has a "legal right and a moral obligation" to join the parade. Twenty five citizens and organizations sent an open letter to Mayor Nichols, accusing him of responsibility in the arrest of the veterans. The letter charged that those arrested should have been given "the honored place at the head of the parade" and suggested that these men and women were calling "this country, our veterans, and armed forces back to the high ideals of self determination and freedom that founded this country." McNichols was invited to join a peace march planned for last Nov. 6 if he agrees with the veterans that "not one more life should be lost in Viet Nam." Veterans of the Viet Nam war were also arrested in Killeen, Texas; New Orleans; and San Francisco as they tried to march in Veterans Day parades.